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Thegovernor of Tierra del Fuego told the CDA that Argentineswere "absolutists" in how they viewed politicians as eitherwinners or losers, with no gray areas in between.¶6.

(C) Echoing a commonly heard refrain, pollster Doris Capurro adds that the Argentine press, particularly thedominant Clarin media group, often serves as "Coup Central."Clarin, she said, fomented Fernando de la Rua's departurefrom power in 2001, and its owners are fierce critics of the Kirchners.

Fraga describes the scenario as perfect for Peronists -- itremoves the Kirchners from the scene, follows the Constitutional line of succession, and saddles Radical Coboswith the burden of taking the tough political decisionsneeded to govern Argentina in an economic downturn.

If Argentines sense that their ruler is enfeebled, he argues,they tend to collectively say "that's enough." Theconsequent withdrawal of support makes the damaged rulervulnerable to overthrow by the scheming political class.

The two that were led by Radicals (Alfonsin in 1987 and de la Rua in 2001) did notsurvive; the one headed by a Peronist (Menem in 1997) made itto the term's end.

But Fraga thinks that the Kirchnersshould take little comfort from Menem's survival.

In the run-up to the October2007 presidential elections, public approval ratings foroutgoing President Nestor Kirchner (NK) went as high as 77%,as Argentines credited him for the country's remarkableeconomic recovery after its 2001-02 economic meltdown.

Buoyed by her husband's popularity, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner (CFK) easily won the presidency in the first roundof the 2007 election.

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